Whenever I write an article about racism, or give
a speech concerning the ongoing reality of discrimination in the
labor market, I am assailed by those who refuse to believe what virtually
any study done in the past two decades confirms: namely, that people
of color are not seeing things, nor crazy when they suggest that
racial bias is very much a modern-day
These assaults typically arrive in my e-mail inbox, within hours
of an article going out over the web, as if pre-prepared long before,
and as if their authors were simply waiting for an opportunity
to pick an electronic fight.
Sometimes their retorts are little more than racist rants about
how blacks and Latinos are lazy, or how American Indians are all
drunk. But oftentimes the denial comes wrapped in far more sophisticated
garb than that, occasionally bordering on the scholarly, in fact.
While some of the conservatives who regale me with their rationalizations
for racial inequality manage to quote a gaggle of right wing "experts" to
help make their case, the claims they forward are hardly the stronger
For example, the argument that racial wage gaps merely reflect
different levels of experience and qualifications between whites
and blacks is simply untenable, when one examines the data.
Fact is, earnings gaps persist at all levels of education. According
to Census data, whites with high school diplomas, college degrees
or Master's Degrees all earn approximately twenty percent more
than their black counterparts. Even more striking, whites with
professional degrees (such as medicine or law) earn, on average,
thirty-one percent more than similar blacks and fifty-two percent
more than similar Latinos.
Even when levels of work experience are the same between blacks
and whites, the racial wage gap remains between 10-20 percent.
Looking at whites and blacks of similar age, doing the same work,
earnings gaps remain significant. Among 25-34 year olds, white
lawyers, computer programmers, and carpenters earn, on average,
about one-fourth more than comparable blacks; white doctors and
accountants earn, on average, one-third more than comparable blacks;
and even white janitors earn sixteen percent more, on average,
than comparable blacks.
Although these gaps do not necessarily reflect overt discrimination
by employers – in fact, they mostly reflect the segmented labor
market, whereby whites have greater access to more lucrative clients
and companies – the effect is the same: whites continue to receive
advantages in the labor market over equally qualified blacks.
And contrary to the claims of some, differences in black and white
wages are not the result of different cognitive abilities or IQ
scores. The results of over thirty studies confirm that test scores
and other academic achievement differences can account for no more
than three percent of the wage gaps between whites and blacks.
The two most common excuses for racial wage inequity are age and
geography: excuses popularized by black conservatives like Thomas
Sowell, and repeated ad infinitum by white reactionaries like Abigail
and Stephen Thernstrom.
Since blacks are, on average, younger than whites they will earn
less, so the argument goes; and since blacks disproportionately
live in the South – a lower-wage region of the country – they will
earn less, even if there were no racism operating in labor markets.
Regarding age, though the median age among whites is about nine
years older than the median for blacks, and although persons who
are older typically earn more than those who are younger, this
fact does not explain differences between white and black earnings,
and even to the extent it is a factor, it cannot be separated from
the issue of racism.
First, even when whites and blacks of comparable age are compared,
wage gaps remain substantial. Black men with college degrees earn,
on average, 20-25 percent less than comparable white men, even
when they are the same age.
White families headed by persons of every age group are far better
off than comparable blacks, and indeed a black family headed by
a 45-54 year old is 3.5 times more likely to be poor than a comparable
white family, and twenty percent more likely to be poor than a
white family headed by someone who is twenty years younger!
Secondly, the older median age for whites is due to a larger number
of elderly citizens, which is the result of longer life expectancy.
But of course, life expectancy itself is related to racism, so
age gaps between whites and blacks hardly qualify as an independent
variable to explain income inequality.
As a number of studies have documented, blacks routinely have
less access to high-quality health care, and also suffer from discriminatory
treatment at the hands of doctors. Even when health care is available,
doctors are less likely to order a full range of diagnostic tests
and treatments for black patients than for whites, even when these
patients' finances and insurance coverage are comparable to their
Even when comparing blacks and whites of comparable age, sex,
severity of disease, geographic location, and other factors that
could influence the quality of medical treatment, blacks are sixty
percent less likely to receive a coronary angioplasty or bypass
surgery to relieve a serious heart condition.
As one study found, doctors presented with identical patient histories
and symptoms overwhelmingly refer whites for more advanced treatment.
According to the study, which presented doctors with videotaped
patient interviews (actually actors trained to pose as patients
with identical medical histories and symptoms), doctors were far
less likely to refer black women for aggressive treatment of cardiac
symptoms than white women.
When asked to give their impression of the actors (whom they believed
to be real patients), doctors routinely said they perceived the
black "patients" as less intelligent, less likely to
follow doctor's recommendations and thus cooperate with a treatment
regimen, and more likely to miss appointments: this, despite the
fact that the actors had made identical comments and had presented
So, if whites have a longer life expectancy, and if this is due
in part to racially disparate provision of health care, it is absurd
to claim that the younger average age of the black community explains
racial earnings gaps, independent of racism, since the age gaps
and racism are intimately related.
Even racism experienced outside the realm of health care is correlated
with negative health outcomes. After all, the biggest killer of
African Americans is high blood pressure leading to stroke, heart
disease and kidney failure; and high blood pressure has been shown
to be associated with experiences with racism.
Additionally, there is a significant reason why median ages for
whites and blacks, despite their disparity, would have virtually
no actual impact on median wages for either group, and thus would
be incapable of explaining racial earnings gaps: namely, the younger
median age for blacks is caused by a disproportionate number of
youth in the black community relative to whites. But neither the
elderly whites who skew white average ages upward, nor black youth
who skew black average ages downward, have an effect on median
earnings for either group. This should be obvious since neither
white elderly or black children are generally in the labor force,
and thus are incapable of affecting the earnings of those between
the ages of 15-65 who are.
The only real issue of importance in terms of relative white or
black ages, and how those might affect earnings, is the relative
ages of whites and blacks who are actually in the labor force,
or potential labor force, which will generally mean those between
If anything, white workers are probably a bit younger on average
than black workers, for two reasons. First, white teens are more
likely to be working or looking for work thanks to greater job
opportunities. Indeed, there is a persistent 15-20 percentage point
gap between white and black teen unemployment rates. While whites
are only sixty-five percent of persons 15-17, they are seventy-six
percent of such persons with a job (thereby
affecting wage rates). Likewise, blacks are fifteen percent of 15-17 year olds,
but less than eight percent of such persons with a job.
Secondly, blacks are more likely to work longer into their older
years, thanks to having less accumulated capital and thus being
unable to retire as early as whites. So, if anything, the median
age of those in the workforce would likely be higher for blacks
than whites, which means that using conservative logic, the older
average black workforce should earn more than its younger white
According to Census data, 66.5 percent of whites and sixty-six
percent of blacks are between the ages of 15-64: the years of typical
labor market eligibility; sixteen percent of whites and sixteen
percent of blacks are 35-44 and fifteen percent of whites and a
little more than twelve percent of blacks are 45-54, the peak earning
years for those in the American labor market.
In other words, the median age differences for the cohorts whose
potential presence in the labor market might actually affect wages
are not capable of explaining the substantial wage differentials
between blacks and whites.
Finally, some dismiss claims of discrimination as central to the
earnings gap, by claiming that disparities are largely a function
of geography. In other words, because blacks are concentrated in
the south and because the south is a lower-wage region, naturally
blacks will have lower median earnings.
But where blacks live is hardly a variable that is independent
of racism: after all, blacks are heavily concentrated in the south
due to a history of slavery and sharecropping that was disproportionately
concentrated in the southern states. As such, to whatever extent
geography plays a role in lower black wages, it is impossible to
disentangle this reality from the history of racial oppression.
Secondly, although there are earnings differences between families
living in different regions, these differences are far smaller
than the observed racial gaps. The region with the least blacks,
for example, only outstrips the south in terms of median earnings
by about a thousand dollars annually.
This is far below the typical racial gap between white and black
families, which is over $15,000 a year.
In truth, black median incomes in every region are lower than
median incomes for whites, so that even if one controls for location
of residence and only compares like families, racial disparities
As a parent, I have learned how readily children will offer virtually
any excuse for their own misbehaviors, some of which can be quite
creative, even comical. While such prevarication can be endearing
when practiced by a four year old, it becomes quite a bit less
amusing when practiced by so-called social scientists out to debunk
what all rational persons realize, and what all the best evidence
demonstrates: namely, that racism is far from a thing of the past,
and that whites continue to receive substantial privileges and
preferences in the American labor market.
Tim Wise is the author of two recently published books: White
Like Me: Reflections on Race from a Privileged Son (Soft Skull
Press) and Affirmative Action: Racial Preference in Black
and White (Routledge). His website is www.timwise.org and
he can be reached at firstname.lastname@example.org.
You are encouraged to write to Mr. Wise for footnotes to this